Editorial – AND – Annulation of the sentence of Luiz Inácio and coup d’Etat

Edson Fachin’s decision to annul Moro’s sentences against Luiz Inácio is a mixture of an attempt to remove the misleading image of the institution “guardian of the legal order” with a sinister concoction of the struggling establishment.

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Editorial AND 15th of March 2021

Annulation of the sentence of Luiz Inácio and coup d’Etat

Edson Fachin’s decision to annul Moro’s sentences against Luiz Inácio is a mixture of an attempt to remove the misleading image of the institution “guardian of the legal order” with a sinister concoction of the struggling establishment. By removing Moro from the position of competent judge, Fachin annuls the convictions and, with them, the judge’s irregularities; but not the entire process, which will pass to the Federal Court of Brasília, and whose new judge in charge will be able to re-validate the entire judicial process. However, like a spell that turns against the wizard, this decision added fuel to the fire by speeding up the judgment, in the 2nd Panel of the Supreme Court, on the suspicion (partiality) of Moro, under the auspices of an astute Gilmar Mendes. Sentence suspended by request for opinions of Mr. Kássio Nunes, considered “guarantor” by liberal critics of “Lava Jato” – well, well!

But why did Fachin only assume this position now, after the general, a former army commander, publicly assumed that his “tweet” was a military threat to dictate the Supreme Court decision on Luiz Inácio’s Habeas Corpus in 2018 (a fact that the whole nation has always known)? Wouldn’t Mr. Fachin be acting, once again under tutelage, this time with permission, serving exactly a new political game of Plateau? It was not to give a message, since it was already given in a public admission of Villas Bôas of the threat to the Supreme Federal Court in an author’s book.

There are many contradictions in this issue that are worth analyzing. First, while following the tune, it was inevitable, more time less time, that the judgment of suspicion of Moro was dictated, first because the illegal manipulations were made public by the leak of messages between the then all-powerful judge and the “paladin” prosecutor are blatant of Dellagnol’s morals and good manners. Second, because there are members of powerful power groups hung on the gallows by the convictions of “Lava Jato” who would benefit from this decision and, therefore, act to make it feasible. (In this sense, Gilmar Mendes and his efforts to judge Moro partial, accredits him as the main representative in the Supreme Federal Court of this traditional parliamentary right so entrenched by the machinations of “Lava Jato”, facing figures allied to the generals, whose exponent is Luís Roberto Barroso). And third, because the palace pact of better coexistence between the extreme right of Bolsonaro and the military right (High Command of the Armed Forces), before the “social crisis” that is approaching in the speed of expansion of the pandemic, leads the senior military leaders to accelerate the consummation of the coup that has been going on since 2015 and, for this, stoke the fire of political disputes by returning to the agenda the radicalized polarization Bolsonaro / PT, a polarization that only serves to lead the popular masses to divide by deception, of one and the other.

Lewandowski’s votes and the probable change of position of Cármen Lúcia, who must consider Moro suspicious, among other ministers, are, in turn, a response of these Supreme Federal Court figures who have been cowed for years before the military pressures and return to be with the traditional right (or center-right), as in a symbolic act of strengthening themselves before the apparent shamelessness of the malicious admission of blow of General Villas Bôas, although probably bite the bullet of the new palatial manoeuvres. Moro’s suspicion would be the coup de grace in the “Lava Jato”, tending to bring down, like a house of cards, all the prisons of politicians demoralized by corruption. This operation was the workhorse with which the counterrevolutionary offensive was launched, whose hidden hands of the anti-communist generals were all the time managing it under the direction of the US State Department, through its Embassy in Brasilia, as a preventive action against “social chaos”, foreshadowed in the popular revolts of 2013/14, an offensive in the form of a coup d’état step by step through institutional channels.

Operation whose failure will only remain the armed reaction of the reactionaries to avoid the complete ruin of the old order of exploitation and oppression, seriously threatened, as the gorillas in barbershop and gorillas in pajamas shout once again, as expressed in an article published by an insane general of the reserve, in the web page of the Military Club, whose title is: “The breaking point is approaching”, urging the reactionary Armed Forces to culminate the coup d’etat to reestablish “social peace”. Within this, the persecuted condition in which Mr. Luiz Inácio finds himself is not because he is representative of something progressive; To confirm that he is on duty, just look at his recent interview, in which he defends all that old order, with praises to its rotten institutions, pointing out that the evil are people or groups, such as the “gang of prosecutors of Curitiba”.

Even less is he in this condition because he is a socialist and even a communist, a myth created by the reaction, by the monopolies of the press, by the “political scientists”, by the petty bourgeois left, by the trotskyist organizations and by the “liberation theology” clergy. But, yes, it is in this condition: first, because for the reaction to save its old order, in the last terms, it needs to keep united its Armed Forces, and Bolsonaro’s extreme right, by not accepting in principle the return of the PT to the government of the country (even if it benefits electorally from the polarization of a strong PT candidacy), forces the generals to take their measures to avoid it, because if they were positioned to tolerate such a possibility they would provoke a dangerous division in the corporation. And secondly, because what the reaction demands today are much more profound and criminal measures, in a voracious and swift manner against the people and the sovereignty of the Nation; measures whose application does not open margins for class conciliations and compromises so much to the liking of this man that, as a package, he was discarded. His services to preside over the repression of the people are not required for the time being.

However, let’s look at the complication of the official political game, from the electoral point of view. The possibility of Luiz Inácio running in the 2022 elections is a dismay for the apologists of “leaving the center” as a salvation for the country. If so, Ciro Gomes, João Dória and others will repeat Alckmin’s failure in 2018. And the national tragedy that resulted from the polarization of the extreme right/center-right with the opportunistic fake “left” that year, giving rise to a government of possessed, will be repeated as a farce foretold, through the crushing wave that presages the electoral boycott that will sweep away the remnants of legitimacy already in ruins of this entire agonizing political system and, even more so, that of the possibly elected. This assuming that such election will take place, which is already undefined, since in the midst of the economic, social, political, moral and health crisis that the current military government sunk the nation into, the least likely outcome would be this, an important way out as humiliating as the one that came out in the past elections. Then, the true antagonistic polarization of classes will be poignantly pronounced with violent popular uprisings in the face of a mad counterrevolution. Such an unfolding in gestation increases, on the one hand, in the successive criminal actions of this genocidal military government. To continue with some: while the original proposal for emergency aid conditions its release to the end of the investment floor for health and education (systems that are already underfunded under current rules), the government also reduces hospital coverage for the sick. Between December 2020 and the present time, the number of ICU beds funded by the federal government went from 12,003 to 3,187, a decrease of 73.4%, which coincides with the worsening of the pandemic and the circulation of the “Manaus strain”; meanwhile, the fact that Minister Pazuello received information about lack of oxygen in Manaus and did nothing leaked in the press. Therefore, it is not necessary to speak only of carelessness or carelessness, but of its invisible transfusion for a society in lethargy: the crime of genocide against the popular masses at the hands of a nefarious military government. On the other hand, in this complex and extremely delicate situation through which the Nation is going through, while those at the top can no longer govern as they used to because of the insurmountable struggles between the fractions of the ruling classes and between their power groups, aggravated by the general and economic crisis, the threat of outbreaks of riots throughout the country; those at the bottom will no longer accept to go on as before. Either because of the degree of misery and oppression reached by their condition of existence, which pushes them to growing and radicalized protests, or out of indignation for the rottenness of the political system, with which they have almost no ties of credibility. The record boycott registered in the last elections, as well as the coldness and even indifference with which the winners were received, is a sure sign that the political conscience of vast sectors of the masses is advancing, although in part confused by the Bolsonarist preaching, which in the name of attacking their legitimate objectives only reinforces their worst prejudices (a problem whose key element to solve is the action of the legitimate revolutionaries and democrats, who already understand as they have never before the path to follow). The next act of this tragedy will undoubtedly be more suffering and seismic shocks that bring with them the great opportunity for the most complete, profound and liberating transformation of our people and our homeland. Not preparing to take full advantage of it would be a crime. However, such an attitude has already been conjured up, in our country, during decades of relentless and inseparable combat against imperialism and its local lackeys, revisionism and all opportunism.